Disharmony, Antisymmetry, and the Final‐over‐Final Constraint<sup>*</sup>

Theresa Biberauer and Michelle Sheehan

in Ways of Structure Building

Published in print June 2012 | ISBN: 9780199644933
Published online September 2012 | e-ISBN: 9780191741609 | DOI:

Series: Oxford Studies in Theoretical Linguistics

Disharmony, Antisymmetry, and the Final‐over‐Final Constraint*

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This chapter addresses the crucial issue of how hierarchical structure relates to linear order, and provides evidence that the two are universally mediated by a version of Kayne’s (1994) Linear Correspondence Axiom (LCA). The discussion focuses on new data in support of the Final-over-Final Constraint (FOFC), an apparent gap in disharmonic word orders. The data in question relate to the embedding of various types of clauses in OV languages. Almost universally, the FOFC-violating order (*[VP [CPC TP] V]) fails to surface, and what we see instead is extraposition, i.e. superficially: [VP V [CP C TP]]. Based on these data, the chapter argues that: (i) in such cases, obligatory extraposition comes about as an indirect result of FOFC; (ii) any adequate explanation of FOFC and its effects will need to refer to the LCA; and (iii) the pattern provides evidence for the independently proposed idea that certain CPs can be embedded under nominal structure.

Keywords: c-command; clausal nominalization; CP extraposition; disharmonic word order; final-over-final constraint; head parameter; labelling/label; linear correspondence axiom/LCA; linearization; spell-out

Chapter.  16017 words. 

Subjects: Linguistics

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